(While the working of the original "Deep State" involved criminality and assassination as well as secrecy, the use of the term in the United States emphasized the undemocratic, unhealthy, "shadowy", "indefinable" nature of the network.) At least one academic (Charles Tilly) has attempted to claim an "interdependence between the historic processes of war-making and state-making and organised crime.‘Banditry, piracy, gangland rivalry, policing and warmaking all belong on the same continuum’" Jean-Pierre Filiu, (in From Deep State to Islamic State) notes a resemblance between the Mamluks of Egypt and the Levant (1250–1517), and the alleged security service "deep states" of today's Middle East.For those who believe in its existence, the political agenda of the deep state involves an allegiance to nationalism, corporatism, and state interests.Violence and other means of pressure have historically been employed in a largely covert manner to manipulate political and economic elites and ensure specific interests are met within the seemingly democratic framework of the political landscape.putsch threat, autocratic cliques, mafia, organized crime and corruption.Rumours of the deep state have been widespread in Turkey since Ecevit's term as prime minister in the 1970s, after his revelation of the existence of a Turkish counterpart to Italy's Operation Gladio, the "Counter-Guerrilla".After joining Taptuk Emre's dergâh (dervish monastery), he proceeds to follow his journey on becoming a dervish. After the death of his father Murat II, Mehmet II ascends to the Ottoman throne. Two brothers leave their mountain village to fight on the front line. Fethullah Gulen ( other names Feto) is not mentioned at all.
A sedimentary sequence of earliest Eocene to early Middle Eocene age nonconformably overlies the high-grade rocks of the Niğde dome on its southeastern flank.Former president Süleyman Demirel says that the outlook and behavior of the (predominantly military) elites who constitute the deep state, and work to uphold national interests, are shaped by an entrenched belief, dating to the fall of the Ottoman Empire, that the country is always "on the brink".Another explanation refutes the reduction of the deep state to an interest network and defines it as a type of domination based on the high military autonomy levels that enable the security apparatus to disrupt formal democratic institutions (in the foreground) by employing a sui generis repertoire of informal institutions (in the background), i.e.In its simplest form, the case concerns nearly 100 individuals — including retired army generals, politicians, media representatives, and civil society leaders — who are charged with having attempted to instigate a military coup to topple the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) since the party’s 2002 electoral victory.It is important to point out early on in this work that the official-legal name of the case is not the “Ergenekon case” as is frequently and excessively used, rather its legal name is the “case against the infringement of article 313 of the Turkish Penal Code: establishment of a criminal organization;” the “Ergenekon” name was attributed during the police investigation to the alleged clandestine network of which the defendants of the case are believed to be a part.